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Free State Of Jones Online

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Format: Prime Video (Online-Video wird gestreamt) Free State of Jones is a film of interest about a part of American history that became relevant to the nation,​. Free State of Jones in HD auf Pantaflix anschauen. Genieße den ganzen Film online! Free State of Jones einfach ausleihen und legal streamen! Nach einer wahren Begebenheit – , der einfache Farmer Newton Knight (​Matthew McConaughey) kämpft im Amerikanischen Bürgerkrieg als. Free State of Jones in HD in der Weltbild Online-Videothek anschauen. Genießen Sie den ganzen Film online! Free State of Jones einfach ausleihen und. Free State of Jones jetzt legal streamen. Hier findest du einen Überblick aller Anbieter, bei denen du Free State of Jones online schauen kannst. Free State of Jones DVD im Onlineshop von Saturn kaufen. Jetzt bequem online bestellen. Filme in großer Auswahl: Jetzt Free State of Jones als DVD online bei bestellen.

Free State Of Jones Online

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Fine historical piece showing how the every day folk coped with a nation in civil Mahjong Umsonst Spielen and the ensuing struggles that they would need to overcome. I do not think it is so much Flugstaffel Meinecke South or North as both didn't help the cause, it is about humanity and respect that is not bound to Kabel 1 Stream. Alle Preise inkl. Dessen Kernaussage Fassbender dabei so Terence Hill und universell: " Irgendwo, irgendwie und irgenwann ist jederman nur Frankreich Fussball Neger!. Weitere Artikel zum Thema. Great acting, script, and the cast are simply brilliant. Shopbop Designer Modemarken. Vikings - Staffel 2 0 Sterne. Derzeit tritt ein Problem beim Filtern der Rezensionen auf. file:///D/MOVIEIT/[10/14/ of Jones ganzer film, Free State of Jones online stream, Free State of. Jetzt Free State of Jones online schauen. Free State of Jones online leihen und sofort anschauen bei maxdome, Deutschlands größter Online-Videothek. Originaltitel: Free State of Jones Free State of Jones. Bewertung: Note: • Stimmen: 97 • Platz: Land: USA. Genre: Action / Biographie / Drama. Regie​. Wie werden Bewertungen berechnet? Auch dieser Film ist besonders, nicht nur weil er auf historischen Tatsachen beruht. Giacomo Pilati. Alle Rezensionen Amazon Big Bang Theory Staffel 9. Chaos Tony Giglio 5 Sterne. Hier hat man sich an ein Thema gewagt, dessen Problematik bis in unsere heutige Zeit reicht. Peter Prince. Well worth adding to your collection. Package arrived on time and in excellent condition. Great acting, script, and the cast are simply brilliant. Wie werden Bewertungen berechnet? Der Film ist wirklich brillant und sehr facettenreich. George D. Doch mit den Werten der Konföderierten, Sezession und Sklavenhaltung, Liebe Grüße Englisch er sich nicht identifizieren. Niklas Rockström. Alle Preise inkl. Package arrived on time and in excellent Formel 1 Wagen 2019. In den Warenkorb. Free State Of Jones Online Free State Of Jones Online For the blameless North, it throws up the failed legacy of appeasement of slaveholders, the craven willingness to bargain on the backs of black people, and the unwillingness, in the Reconstruction years, to finish what the war started. We can only speculate about his reasons. Smithsonian Channel. John J. They were put before a court martial, and on their own confession of resisting with arms military arrests, were on the morning of April 16th, executed by hanging. Language: Tarnation Deutsch. And for a few brief months they had that. Yet for all the horrors of combat, soldiers dreaded dying of disease even more. Free State Of Jones Online

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Just fantastic. Most films of the past have as such seemingly ignored this and dealt only with the actual fight as it occurred between white people but this film, along with others such as Glory, which is about events involving one the formation of a black regiment of soldiers on the Union side , brings back to fore the issues of the war and the plight of black people of the time.

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Server 1. Server 2. Server 3. Free State Of Jones Trailer. Set in Civil War, which divided the country, the film is about a miserable farmer from Mississippi led a rebel group against the southern United States.

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Eps 12 United States of Tara - Season 3. Eps 12 United States of Tara - Season 2. Eps 12 United States of Tara - Season 1. We feel that where we have fictionalized, not only are we faithful to the larger history of the period, but in many ways we hope to illuminate it.

In other words, we have fictionalized only to express a deeper truth—the essence of both the war and Reconstruction—and we substantiate that in these notes.

When we have fictionalized something to make sense of the narrative or to convey that deeper truth about Southern Unionism, slavery, the economics of cotton, Reconstruction, or a host of other issues, we will show what that is based on.

It may not be literal, but it is always based on reliable evidence. Not only will we offer academic justification, but I will try to briefly explain the logic that went into the adaptation process.

Over million people have seen D. It is a racist film that misleads, rewrites, and obscures the truth about Reconstruction.

It is based on a novel called The Clansman. It told the same story that almost every white historian at the time wrote about the era, and for decades it defined the way America perceived Reconstruction, a period that is just as crucial to understanding our history as the Civil War itself.

Many film critics hail it as a breakthrough work of cinema, as if the technical expertise somehow excused the historical irresponsibility lying of Griffith and the historians on whom he relied.

It is not enough to chronicle the rebellion of poor white farmers in southeast Mississippi if one ignores the struggle of African Americans in the region.

It is not enough to show the resistance inherent in Southern Unionism as it joins the larger Union victory if one ignores what happened to those sentiments in the post-war era.

In fact, save for Birth of a Nation and Gone with the Wind similarly problematic in its post-bellum romanticism , almost no movies have examined this era past the surrender at Appomattox.

One can easily argue that the real Civil War ended in , when federal troops were withdrawn from the South. Some characters have been invented in the film, but they are scrupulously faithful to what happened in the period and are never without historical precedent.

Where I have departed from the literal facts of history, I have tried to cite and justify it in these pages.

On the eve of the Civil War, Natchez, Mississippi, was the richest city per capita in the country. Massive plantations sprawled across the rich soil of the Mississippi Delta.

The planters who owned them were some of the richest Americans, the Silicon Valley billionaires of their day. They had no personal stake in the war, and most resented the institution of slavery and the wealthy planters who profited from it.

When the Confederacy passed a law exempting rich slaveholders from the draft, but still drafting non-slaveowners, it was more than many could take.

There is evidence that Newt Knight came from a family that opposed the slavocracy on ideological as well as economic grounds.

His father had turned down the gift of a slave when he got married, and his declining the economic advantage is telling. Even the common soldier was known to express anger at the planter class and the cotton economy of the slavocracy.

While the Civil War was modern in weaponry and tactics, in medicine it was medieval. There was no knowledge of pathogens, sterilization was unheard of, and doctors rarely washed their hands or their instruments.

Most soldiers who died succumbed to disease, often contracted after being examined by a doctor. Field hospitals were filthy, fetid places that faintly resembled septic tanks.

They ranged in structure from confiscated houses or hotels to blood-soaked barns. They were the place where poor enlisted men went when they got injured.

Though the image above may look horrific, it was typical of an average field hospital trying to cope with a torrent of wounded men.

Officers frequently got preferential treatment, and in the carnage and melee of the field hospital, any advantage helped. The character of Daniel was thus a whole-cloth creation to illustrate this.

The Confederacy instituted the first wartime draft in U. The first Confederate conscription act drafted men aged A year later that age range would be increased to I felt that too many Hollywood movies made death faceless, the victims ciphers—unknown and forgettable.

The character of Daniel was therefore a fictional invention to explore these issues: the outrage of conscription, the class division inherent in it, and the human cost of the war even to boys in their mid-teens.

Daniel seemed the best way to do it. When Newt Knight came home to Jones County, he found a world that had been ravaged by tax collectors and the Confederate Army as their enforcers.

Often their mules were taken though they were supposed to be protected. Their grain was taken, along with their pigs, chickens, and cloth.

It transformed him from a deserter who did not want to fight into a rebel who made war on the slavocracy. And it transformed thousands of other poor farmers from deserters to Southern Unionists as well.

According to numerous accounts, Newt used to the sound of cow horns to communicate from farm to farm, sounding alarm when the tax collectors were coming.

According to numerous accounts, Newt and his company used the sound of cow horns to communicate from farm to farm, sounding the alarm when the tax collectors were coming.

Besides farming the land alone, most women of the era were proficient with a gun. He took shelter in the swamps, where both horses and conventional tactics were useless.

In the film Newt is harbored and cared for by a small group of maroons This is typical of cooperation between deserters, Unionist resisters, and runaway slaves.

Not only were they hiding from the same people, but they frequently organized and fought in opposition to a common foe.

The character of Moses is a fictional invention, but one based on research and ample precedent. There are numerous examples of cooperation and alliance between maroons escaped slaves living autonomously in the wilderness and white deserters who resisted the Confederacy.

But Moses is present in the film for another reason. It would be irresponsible to simply tell a story of white yeoman resistance to the Confederacy without depicting African American resistance as well.

The extent to which African Americans were agents in their own emancipation has been too often understated in both historical texts and films.

Whether fleeing to Northern lines to eventually become Union troops, sabotaging Confederate war efforts, aiding and abetting resistance through intricate slave networks, or allying with deserters to rebel overtly, African Americans were not just vital to Union victory; they demanded and seized freedom for themselves It is important to understand that the character of Moses is not a slave.

He is a former slave who refuses to accept the subjugation of chattel slavery. At no time in the film is he subordinated to the slavocracy. Few films have been made about Reconstruction, and almost none have been accurate.

There is a responsibility to depict how freedmen acted to seize emancipation and how hard they fought after the war to realize it.

Personifying this phenomenon in a character who demanded his freedom and continued to fight for it long after the war was over seemed an essential part of the Civil War narrative.

When her farm was burned out, she fled to live with other family in Georgia. Newt remained in Jones County as the actions and resistance of the Knight Company grew more militant.

As depicted in the film, the war took a toll on Serena. When her farm was burned out, she fled to live with other family members in Georgia.

The barbaric collar pictured above was one of the many grotesque punishments and impediments to escape that were forced on slaves who tried to flee to freedom.

As he explains to Newt, Moses has tried to escape several times, ever since his wife and child were sold to a slaveowner in Texas. The barbaric collar pictured at right was one of the many grotesque punishments and impediments to escape that were forced on slaves who tried to flee to freedom.

Networks of slaves who aided Unionist deserters in this case in northern Alabama actually built this clever means of crossing miles of dismal swamp.

Slave catchers also known as Paddy rollers were a constant present throughout the south. A massive infrastructure was created to enforce the police state that was chattel slavery.

Slaves could not move without a pass and teams of dogs as well as slave patrols were always on the search for runaway slaves. Slave catchers, also known as paddy rollers, were a constant presence throughout the South.

Slaves could not move without a pass, and teams of dogs as well as slave patrols were always on the search for runaway slaves.

Though the Free State of Jones has been a controversial topic for over a hundred years, its existence is now hard to deny. The weight of historical evidence proves that a rebellion occurred and it was organized and effective.

Numerous primary sources point to the declaration of an independent state in southeastern Mississippi. They raided the warehouses at Paulding and Augusta, where Confederates stored tax-in-kind goods especially corn that they and their neighbors had grown , keeping some for themselves and distributing the rest to poor farmers and fellow Unionists in the area.

The letters and documents cited here describe a war-torn area in southeast Mississippi where the Knight Company, now swelling militarily, controlled the area with a formal command structure.

This is not the stuff of lore, legend, or anecdote. The extent of the Knight Company rebellion is chronicled in contemporaneous correspondence that can be found in the The Official Records of the War of the Rebellion, the most reliable primary source of information on the war.

The weight of historical evidence proves that a rebellion occurred in southeastern Mississippi that was both organized and effective.

Numerous primary sources point to the declaration of an independent state as well. As Ta-Nehisi Coates observed in his brilliant essay on the Civil War, learning to read was a political act.

Most people have a misconception of American slavery, imagining a kind of prison where the enslaved were locked up at night. The truth is subtler but more ominous.

The entire South was a prison, policed by slave patrols and enforced by a codified pass system. Slaves were allowed mobility from plantation to plantation or even town to town if a written pass had been issued.

This was strictly enforced by the slave patrols—conscripted militias that kept the region a virtual police state.

African Americans walking alone down a road would invariably be stopped and detained, their written pass demanded.

Literacy was therefore a huge advantage to the enslaved and a threat to the plantation system, as it accorded the slave mobility and potential freedom.

The scene at right was all too common in Jones County during the rebellion. As tensions escalated between the Knight Company and the Confederates trying to rout them, burning out a yeoman farm was a common tactic of retribution and intimidation.

The image at right was all too common in Jones County during the rebellion. There were essentially two reasons why a white person in America during the s might be opposed to the Confederacy and slavery.

One was economic; the other, moral and humanistic. It was easy for someone to oppose slavery who might still be racist and have no empathy for African Americans.

Such a person could hate the economic advantage of the slaveowner, and oppose the slavocracy on a class basis, but have no concern for the enslaved themselves.

But many others were opposed to slavery in moral terms. The abolitionist movement that grew through the s and gave rise to white advocates like William Lloyd Garrison, Harriet Beecher Stowe, and even John Brown was born of a moral rather than economic concern.

There is simply no other way to make sense of his behavior during Reconstruction. The same man who freed African American children from apprenticeship, or defended the voting rights of freedmen in the s, or lived in a mixed-race community and openly raised a mixed-race family see sections 30—34 , could not have turned a blind eye to the racial oppression inherent in American chattel slavery mere months before.

As previously mentioned, Newt burned a school to the ground because it would not educate mixed-race children. But it goes to the heart of the abolitionist creed itself—one based on freedom and equality.

Once the war was over, Newt found few allies among his former band and withdrew from the white world to a mixed-race community with which he had found a new home see section Those in the Knight Company who fought only for class-based reasons were more likely to shy away from the racial issues inherent in Reconstruction.

The scene at right depicts a difficult moment in the film. Any summary hanging would be hard to watch, but to see a young teenager executed is obviously very disturbing.

I would never include a scene like this without ample and multiple historical supporting evidence. The supporting documentation for this sequence is contained here.

I would never include a scene like this without ample historical evidence. Following the summary execution of these young men, Newt staged a retaliatory ambush in a nearby creek.

The scene has been transposed to a church, but the precedent for the event is contained here. Nothing has engendered more controversy than whether or not an independent state was declared in southeast Mississippi by Newt and his supporters.

Was there in fact a Free State of Jones? Did it officially secede from the Confederacy? The declaration of an independent state has ample support.

Newt and his men mustered an organized, effective anti-Confederate force that controlled this region of Mississippi through guerrilla tactics until the end of the war.

Even Confederate correspondence references the Union flag being raised over the courthouse in Ellisville. Rather than engage a decades-old debate in these pages, I will simply offer the primary sources here in support of the Knight Company, its rebellion, and a declaration of a Free State of Jones.

Newt and his men mustered an organized, effective anti-Confederate force that controlled this region of Mississippi until the end of the war.

Of the numerous Unionist revolts in the South, few if any took place without the support or alliance of slave networks and maroons. Victoria Bynum author of The Free State of Jones maintains that it would be hard to imagine that the Knight Company was not supported by runaways or other slave networks.

The first deaths of band members at the hands of Confederate cavalry occurred early that year. Most accounts were reported by Confederates alarmed at these mixed-race uprisings.

For those who would like to read further, extensive primary- and secondary-source accounts of all of these rebellions are contained here.

Until Ellisville is seized, only the small band of maroons who initially harbor Newt are depicted fighting with him.

But the history of anti-Confederate resistance in the South is clear: it was most often and understandably a collaboration between African Americans seeking freedom and Unionist resisters fighting a system that they vehemently opposed.

Victoria Bynum author of The Free State of Jones maintains that it would be hard to imagine that the Knight Company was not supported by runaways, or other slave networks.

Most Americans think the Civil War ended in , but in many ways the real struggle for freedom began after Appomattox.

Freedom is a spectrum, and the mere fact of technical emancipation was not enough to secure real independence for the nearly four million former slaves in the post-war South.

When General Sherman issued Field Order 15, giving forty acres and a mule to the freedmen in conquered lands of Georgia and the Carolinas, true freedom could finally be glimpsed.

It reserved the land for only freedmen, protected them from being conscripted except by order of the highest federal authority, guaranteed them the right to pursue a trade and not just field labor, and granted them self-governance in these regions.

In many ways, the freedmen wanted what Newt and the yeoman farmers had fought for: the right be self-sufficient and farm their own land, the right to political self-determination, the right enjoy the fruits of their own labor.

And for a few brief months they had that. At the end of the war, freedmen began to farm their own plots of land.

But no sooner were the former Confederates pardoned than they set about restoring a plantation system that had made them rich.

With the amnesties granted by President Johnson came political power for the plantation owners, and with that power came draconian laws that amounted to a second slavery.

Freedmen were restricted from working anywhere but on a plantation, lest they be arrested for vagrancy. Corporal punishment was permitted, returning the lash to the plantation.

Laborers were paid only after the seasonal harvest, tying them to the land, and were left with virtually nothing once they were billed for room and board.

The president, who had pardoned the Confederates, hardened in his defense of them, and a new war erupted between these two branches of government.

He could not hire and fire his own cabinet secretaries; he could not issue direct orders to the military.

Eventually Johnson defied these edicts, and Congress impeached him for it. But just as Johnson had hardened in his defense of the former Confederates, so Congress had hardened in its desire to secure real freedom for the formerly enslaved.

This process led to what is known as Military Reconstruction. The South was placed under martial law, and states could be readmitted to the Union only if they ratified the Fourteenth Amendment.

Freedmen were granted the right to vote, and African Americans began to hold elective office for the first time. It was a period of great promise.

Many of these legislatures reflected African American majorities well into the mids. Two black United States senators were sworn in from Mississippi.

There were half a dozen black representatives in Congress. There had always been local militias. First they were organized as the slave patrols, in the war they were called the home guard, and after the war they morphed into the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations.

Klan violence was the counter-revolution to the social revolution that was Reconstruction. A wave of violence followed that was almost unprecedented in American history.

To paraphrase Yeats, a blood-dimmed tide was loosed. Soon the Northern will to combat this reign of terror wavered. After decades of conflict with the South, political corruption in Washington, and the anxiety and drain of a recession, Northerners were losing their resolve.

It is moving to read the imploring letters of Governor Adelbert Ames as he begged the federal government for more troops to combat this counterrevolution.

But no help was forthcoming, and the vision of freedom that African Americans had hoped for at the end of the war and glimpsed briefly in Reconstruction suddenly began to fade.

So many African Americans were murdered leading up to that election that Congress refused to recognize the electors from three Southern states.

An electoral crisis ensued that ended in a deal. The Republican, Rutherford B. Hayes, would be elected if federal troops were withdrawn from the South.

This effectively ended Reconstruction and began the long and terrible period we have come to know as Jim Crow. Nothing set the stage for the cruel disappointment of Reconstruction more than the repeal of Field Order Amnesties issued all through that summer returned the Confederates to power.

The image at right, where freedmen learn of this broken promise, was a way of depicting this pivotal moment in the Civil War era. He helped to build a school to educate all children, but numerous accounts describe Newt burning it to the ground when the white schoolmaster refused to teach mixed-race kids.

The image at right, where the Jones County sign is replaced with one bearing the name Jefferson Davis County, is not a cinematic invention.

It actually happened in , when the Confederates regained their land and their power. Such were the ongoing struggles for the meaning of the conflict after it was over.

The Black Codes were enacted locally, and federal officers were powerless to stop them until Military Reconstruction began several years later.

The apprenticeship statute that is read out loud in the magistrate scene at right is quoted directly from the Mississippi statute on apprenticeship from that year.

But nothing supports this. In fact, in a world where Newt was not legally allowed to marry Rachel, he went to the remarkable lengths of deeding her acres of land, making her one of the few African American women to own land in the South.

Finally, this photograph of Newt one of two that exist , formally and defiantly posing with his mixed-race grandson, says everything about his identity and his willingness to embrace it.

In spite of the tragedies during Reconstruction, there were so many inspiring and hopeful moments. The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments left a legacy of freedom that bloomed again in the twentieth century.

African American legislators left a stunning record of accomplishment. Two black U. One of the most inspiring aspects of Reconstruction was the Union League movement.

Part fraternal society, part political organization, part educational institution, the Union League was an incubator of black political agency.

Branches spread throughout the South, and members would meet, often in secret, to pledge solidarity to each other and the Republican Party. New members would swear an oath of allegiance and an affirmation of their freedom.

In an era when political expression required incredible courage, the Union League gave the freedman strength. As the post-war era dragged on, the struggle of freedmen to secure or guarantee their rights lost support from the North, where former allies slowly turned their backs on the freedmen and their cause.

Even members of the Knight Company withdrew from this conflict and went back to their lives of yeoman farming.

Newt was therefore left with a choice: retreat from the cause he had embraced or join it completely. When he moved to Soso, Newt began to live more and more in the world of freedmen.

His former comrades stayed behind. The final act of Reconstruction is a tragic one. As freedmen exercised their franchise and served at every level of state government, a counter-revolution of terrorism erupted.

Though the Klan and other organizations had been suppressed by Military Reconstruction, new white supremacist groups emerged. In Mississippi it was called the White League, and it began a violent reign of terror that culminated in the election of In the scene below where Newt marches into downtown Ellisville to vote alongside freedmen, the details of an election during Reconstruction are accurate right down to the glass jars.

In the mid s you voted in public. The vote tally— to 2—is also accurate. I felt it was important to personify the cotton economy that drove the Civil War, and the plantation culture that enforced and fought to perpetuate slavery.

One cannot understand the Civil War or the slavocracy without understanding the absolute power of the planters. One cannot understand Reconstruction without understanding the speed and determination with which they seized power all over again.

Eakins embodies all of those things, and though he is not based on a single individual, he is based on many.

This flag was also used as the Confederate naval ensign. As a filmmaker, I did not feel that either the Mississippi flag a magnolia tree or the second national flag would register clearly enough in a split second of film.

Thus I used one flag over another for clarity, even if I employed creative license. Colonel Elias Hood is a fictional name for a character conflating three real Confederate officers who all pursued Newt Knight.

He was murdered in the home of local merchant Amos Deason, most believe by Newt Knight. After the death of McLemore, the Confederacy dispatched two different offensives to rout the Knight Company from the region.

The first was led by General Maury, who arrived in Jones County with a force of nearly a thousand men. He did his best to subdue the Knight Company and did hang a dozen deserters, but he found the swamps impenetrable and his opponents formidable.

He admitted he was lucky to escape without losing troops to ambush. A short while later, Colonel Lowry arrived with twice the number of men.

His tactics were more ruthless: rounding up Jones County residents, hanging many including young teenagers as detailed in section 22 , and torturing others for information.

This drove the Knight Company down to the Honey Island swamp, but it did not crush them. Most of these incidents are depicted in the film, but the three separate Confederate antagonists have been conflated into one for the sake of dramatic clarity.

For example, Newt kills an officer who hunts him in the film, just as the real Newt Knight is thought to have killed McLemore.

A Confederate officer did order the hanging of boys who had been a part of the company, but this time it was Lowry. I felt it would be inappropriate to ascribe the actions of one man to the character of another, so I have conflated these acts into a single character and used a fictional name accordingly.

Birmingham, it has been pointed out to me, is an industrial town created for its proximity to iron ore, lime, and water—the main ingredients for making steel.

It was founded in , though the scene in question is set in I felt it was important to personify the cotton economy which drove the Civil war, and the plantation culture which enforced and fought to perpetuate slavery.

One cannot understand the Civil War or the slaveocracy without understanding the absolute power of the planter. Eakins embodies all of those things and though he is not based on a single individual, he is based on many.

Testimonies to the Southern Claims Commission expose the summary manner in which young men were conscripted into the Confederate military.

Both biographical examples particular to Newt and other widespread historical accounts of the era point to numerous abuses of the tax-in-kind system.

Numerous letters in the The Official Records of the War of the Rebellion detail incidents of mixed-race bands engaging Confederate forces. Slave owners affixed a variety of iron collars around the necks of slaves who attempted escape, as a punishment, a hindrance to such future efforts, and an example to other slaves.

Some, like the one depicted on the slave Wilson Chinn in the historical photograph shown, had upward prongs that would catch in bushes in addition to making it all but impossible for the wearer to sleep lying on the ground.

Other collars incorporated bells that, like those worn by cows in the field, would give notice of any movement.

Several independent sources including Newt himself cite the threat posed to runaways by paddy rollers:. Ethel Knight, Thomas J.

Knight, and other historians all cite the formation of the Knight Company in their respective books. According to Victoria Bynum, 14 separate battles were fought between his company and Confederate forces.

Thomas J. Additional sources corroborating the Knight Company rebellion in The Official Records of the War of the Rebellion include letters such as:.

Additional sources further corroborate the dangers a slave might face in striving to attain literacy. The ages of the Coleman boys who were hanged by Colonel Lowry are estimated at anywhere from from 12 to Victoria Bynum has confirmed that Noble Coleman, aged 12 or 13 in , disappeared from census records after the reputed hangings.

Supporting independent memoirs, letters, and interviews are cited below. The two citations below are significant. It is the paradise of deserters who flee from their own Swamps.

In fact, the very next line describes it as a paradise of deserters who flee from their swamps. In alone, with most of the refinements yet in the future, cotton brought seven hundred thousand dollars of income to its planters in just the region around Natchez.

That meant an annual income averaging more than seven hundred dollars for each of the 9, citizens of the area, a phenomenal sum by frontier standards, and higher even than most areas in the affluent Northeast Half a century later would see Natchez itself inhabited by more millionaires than any other city in the nation, all of them either by cotton or by trading with those who planted it.

If there was one lesson to be learned from the whole history of the settlement of the southern half of the continent, it was that the first men in one generation to reach the newest edge of the wilderness became the landed aristocrats, the wealthy and influential, of the next.

Those who came after them often scrambled for smaller and smaller shares of what remained, and having before them so visibly the example of the planter lords, decided instead to try again by moving farther west Places like Natchez and Mobile and Washington especially put lie to the notion of southwestern indifference to money.

Natchez in time would come to house more millionaires per capita than any other city in the United States. An institution that had been in decline throught the eighteenth century in the Upper South was revivified in the lower South at terrible cost; by , there were more millionaires per capita in the Mississippi Valley than anywhere else in the United States.

The Slave Barons looked behind them and saw to their dismay that there could be no backward step. The slavery of the new Cotton Kingdom in the nineteenth century must either die or conquer a nation—it could not hesitate or pause.

It was an industrial system built on ignorance, force and the cotton plant. The slaves must be curbed with an iron hand. A moment of relaxation and lo!

And slavery had made revenge and ambition one. Such a system could not compete with intelligence, nor with individual freedom, nor with miscellaneous and care-demanding crops.

It could not divide territory with these things; to do so meant economic death and the sudden, perhaps revolutionary upheaval of a whole social system.

This the South saw as it looked backward in the years from to Then its bolder vision pressed the gloom ahead, and dreamed a dazzling dream of empire.

In , the states of Mississippi and Louisiana produced about twenty million pounds of cotton. By , the comparable figure was million pounds.

And of course cotton and slavery went together. Throughout the nineteenth century, prices in the slave market varied directly with those in the cotton market—no surprise in an economy where planters reckoned the productivity of labor in cotton rather than in currency.

The census of recorded 69, slaves in Louisiana and 32, in Mississippi. Twenty years later, the respective numbers were , and , And twenty years after that, there were , slaves in Louisiana and , in Mississippi.

The cotton produced by slaves in the Mississippi Valley made its way to market through the port of New Orleans.

Indeed, as the cotton economy grew, so too did river traffic on the Mississippi. In , twenty-one steamboats arrived in New Orleans carrying around 70, tons of freight.

Slave property was mobile, self-supporting, more liquid than any store of value short of sterling bills, and perhaps the most attractive kind of collateral in the entire Western world.

If [planters] could keep possession of their slaves, they could take advantage of those elements of enslaved property, especially if new geographical expansion convinced investors to lend their credit—as they always had before—to entrepreneurially minded planters.

No mere war among men, the bloody battles fought in Civil War Jones County emerged from economic, religious, and social strife that had long simmered between rival families.

Disparate, unorganized resistance to local authority exploded into full-scale rebellion by late , when a number of Jones County deserters organized and armed themselves into a deadly fighting force.

Many more local men were absent from their Confederate units, however, than joined the band. The 7th Battalion, Mississippi Infantry, from which most Knight band members deserted, reported many of its soldiers as AWOL at some point, but most men rejoined the Confederate Army when threatened with arrest.

In contrast, those who joined the Knight Company intended desertion to be permanent. His own memories of the war, shared in with journalist Meigs Frost of the New Orleans Item, suggest as much.

Powell father-in-law of Jasper Collins , defeated the pro-secession candidate, merchant-slaveholder John M. Baylis, to become a delegate to the Mississippi state convention.

Powell then betrayed his antisecessionist constituents. On January 9, , after swift defeat of several ordinances that offered alternatives to secession, he joined the overwhelming majority of delegates and voted to secede from the Union.

The rebels passed a law conscripting everybody between 18 and They just came around with a squad of soldiers [and] took you.

To secure the proper police of the country, one person, either as agent, owner or overseer on each plantation on which one white person is required to be kept by the laws or ordinances of any State, and on which there is no white male adult not liable to do military service, and in States having no such law, one person as agent, owner or overseer, on each plantation of twenty negroes, and on which there is no white male adult not liable to military service: And furthermore, for additional police for every twenty negroes on two or more plantations, within five miles of each other, and each having less than twenty negroes, and on which there is no white male adult not liable to military duty, one person, being the oldest of the owners or overseers on such plantations; are hereby exempted from military service in the armies of the Confederate States.

Jasper Collins was a close friend of mine. When he heard about that law, he was in camp, in the Confederate army. He threw down his gun and started home.

So I started back home. Honorable Sir … We are organizing a Company here which we think will be completed in 2 or 3 weeks, and we have a Vigilance Committee of 15 connected with the Company, and our Consitution makes it the duty of this Committee to ferrit out all disloyal person in our bounds.

This Vigilance Committee, have summoned him to come before them and he will not do it … Please advise us—at your earliest convenience.

The McLeod brothers have been notorious for using abolition sentiments for a year or two. And since the secession of our State from the Federal compact, have been continually abusing the south, wishing Abe Lincoln a final success.

They formed a special committee to wait on four of the McLeods, notifying them to appear before the committee on 8th June.

They were examined separately. Proof against them all will give you a little of the evidence. Allen McLeod has on several occasions swore that he would not fight for the south.

Peter McLeod compares the negroes to the children of Israel … has been talking to R. The Proof against the other two brothers about the same as above.

He now refuses to do either. I am chairman of the Committee and feeling a little delicacy in resorting to extreme measure however great the crime may be without some high authority.

Have taken the liberty of asking from you a word of council. Please answer soon as our next meeting will be on the 8th July. It has come to a pretty pass that the freedom of the press must be denied to any portion of the people because the majority is believed to be against them.

Albert Knight, the father of Newt Knight and oldest son of Jackie, more than any of his siblings followed an economic path different from that of his father.

In fact, however, Albert Knight was a barely self-sufficient farmer who raised corn and a small surplus of hogs.

With much greater accuracy, Knight descendant Kenneth Welch later described Albert as a shoemaker and tanner who was once given a slave by his father, but who did not keep that slave.

Another Knight descendant, Earle Knight, went even further, claiming that Albert rebuked the Confederacy before his death in January Earle speculated later that Albert and Mason might even have opposed slavery, since none of their children, including Newt, owned slaves.

In the final analysis, there is no evidence that either Albert or Mason, his wife, opposed slavery. Nevertheless, this non-slaveholding branch of the Knight family provided a distinct contrast with most other Knight households.

Graves, whose own grandfather owned ten slaves, made clear that his family disdained men like Newt. Newton Knight grew up in a home much plainer than that of his grandfather [a slaveowner], with his cutlery, books, and house slaves.

His father Albert chose to belong to the yeoman rather than planter class, supporting his family as a tanner and a single-handed farmer.

Born in in Georgia, Albert was a grown man when his family arrived in the Piney Woods, and by , he had established enough of a stake to sign his own name to the petition that led to the formation of Jones County.

While his siblings received gifts and deeds of chattel from Jackie, Albert did not. The Knight family schism was reflective of larger rifts taking place all across Jones County, and Mississippi as a whole, during the secession crisis.

The most common division was between rich and poor: it was a state of stark economic differences. On the eve of the Civil War, Jones County was an island of poverty in a sea of cotton- and slave-based wealth.

Economically, the Piney Woods was as stagnant as its swamp water: it had the poorest soil and poorest people in the state.

Sir, The undersigned beg leave to ask of you the true interpretation of the law, relative to exemptions from military duty.

Those owning twenty slaves and more … are they entirely exempt or are they only exempt from conscription? Still being liable as militia in the county, they claim to be exempt all together, for all have claimed, and have been discharged from the service who was drafted as minute men that have twenty Negroes and are now at home.

Our understanding is that we are fighting for equality and States Rights, claiming that all free men are equal, but does this look like equality?

And yet we who have but little or nothing at stake but honor are called on to do the fighting and to do the hard drudgery and bear the burden and brunt of the battle while the rich, and would be rich, are shirking and dodging in every way possible to shun the dangers of war, unless they can get an office that will give them a big name and that will pay well that they may then be seen to strut about the towns and villages to show their brass buttons and blade or get in some commissary, or quarter masters department or anywhere else in the world, but in the ranks as privates, where they ought to be fighting for their property.

Now we admit some men of means are acting nobly but they are scarce. Generally speaking all the help the destitute get come from the poor or common people and not from those who are able.

And as the people, in regards to patriotism, we claim to be as true as any men and will obey laws of our country as faithful citizens, but when we go our rich neighbors who are exempt will be apt to go too.

Or give in advance before we leave to the destitute such amount as we think aught to give: and besides they will have to keep their Negroes home on Sundays out of the swamps stealing poor peoples fat hogs as they are now doing in this settlement.

Please answer the above questions in regard to exemptions either privately or through the Mississippian newspaper and confer or give out favor on the community generally and more especially on the undersigned.

Platt John A. When the southern states was all taking a vote on whether to secede, we took the vote in Jones County, too.

There was only about folks in Jones County then. All but about seven of them voted to stay in the union. But the Jones County delegate went up to the state convention at Jackson, and he voted to secede with the rest of the county delegates.

It would a been kinder unhealthy for him, I reckon. Then next thing we knew they were conscripting us. They just come around with a squad of soldiers 'n' took you.

They put me in the Seventh Mississippi Battalion as a hospital orderly. I went around giving the sick soldiers blue mass and calomel and castor oil and quinine.

That was about all the medicine we had then. It got shorter later. The sheer potential horror of the hospital experience prompted hundreds of soldiers and civilians to view the field hospital as ghoulish ground.

Gorman, a member of the Fourth North Carolina, felt somehow that Mother Nature herself should be weeping.

Perhaps the most distressing aspect of death for many Civil War Americans was that thousands of young men were dying away from home.

Yet for all the horrors of combat, soldiers dreaded dying of disease even more. The war, Union surgeon general William A. A wave of epidemic disease—measles, mumps, and smallpox—swept through the armies of volunteers in the early months of war, then yielded precedence to the intractable camp illnesses: diarrhea and dysentery, typhoid and malaria.

The scenes in and around field hospitals during an engagement were quite grim. Those hollow-eyed and sunken cheeked sufferers, shot in every conceivable part of the body; some shrieking, and calling upon their mothers; some laughing the hard, cackling laugh of the sufferer without hope, and some cursing like troopers, and some writhing and groaning as their wounds were being bandaged and dressed.

I saw a man … who had lost his right hand, another his leg, then another whose head was laid open, and I could see his brain thump, and another with his under jaw shot off; in fact, wounded in every manner possible.

We have nothing arranged in the hospital, but it is filled with sick; many of them are on the floors. One is used as a dining-room, sitting-room, and for making toddies, eggnogs, etc.

A number of the officers we had at the Springs have followed us here, and they eat at our table for the present.

They are to have a hospital set apart for them, as it is thought a better plan than having distinctions made where the privates are in the matter of rooms, and eating at separate tables.

The ordeal of a Confederate private illustrates what happened to a typical wounded soldier. On 21 July Private J. As he was marching forward, a bullet entered his right thigh.

The bullet tore through his leg, shattering the femur; he immediately dropped to the ground. The assistant surgeon of the 4th Virginia wrapped a dressing around his leg.

The femur had been completely separated so that his right leg below the wound dangled uselessly. Hurrying to catch up to his advancing regiment, the doctor left Wolf lying alone on the battlefield.

Passersby carried him to Manassas, where he waited all day for transportation to Richmond. He was placed upon the floor of a boxcar.

The train moved very slowly southward, but the two ends of the crushed bone rubbed together every time the car swayed. Upon arrival in Richmond, Wolf was placed in a small hospital in the city.

He was fed and dressing changed. In order to make room for more wounded expected from the battlefield, Wolf was carried back to the railroad station and shipped to Charlottesville.

He was admitted to a ward that had been a classroom of the University of Virginia. Edward Warren examined Wolf; smelly pus oozed from the tissues through holes in the skin.

Warren explained to Wolf that he had to amputate his leg above the site of the femur fracture. He informed the solder that high femur amputations were usually fatal.

Wolf was anesthetized with chloroform and his leg was amputated on 21 August ; he died the following day. Some of the wounded officers actually checked into the Willard Hotel as ordinary hotel guests and sought medical help from civilian physicians.

As already related, the trip from the Confederate regimental hospital to Richmond was not an easy one.

The helpless wounded non-officers were exposed to the elements and suffered hunger as well as the discomfort of their undressed wounds.

The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, That from and after the passage of this act, all white men, residents of the Confederate States, between the ages of seventeen and fifty, shall be in the military service of the Confederate States for the war.

I was repeatedly threatened. I heard often that the rebels had said that if I had received justice I would have been hung.

At one time a Col. They wasted and destroyed about one hundred and fifty bushels of corn and about eight thousand binds of fodder. It rained all night and these soldiers pulled down and scattered all this fodder so it was rained on all night and ruined.

They killed all the hogs I had at the time except one. It was in the latter part of the fall and the hogs were fat. I suppose they ate the most of them.

A number of them drew their guns on me and they crowded into my house and vilified and abused me nearly all night. I was once arrested at Centre but had an exemption from military service as a preacher and was released without taking any oath or obligation.

I sometimes fed their [CSA] soldiers and their horses—and tried to appear to do it cheerfully—but I only did it because I could not help it.

I never wanted to aid the rebels or their cause in anyway whatever. And when near the end of the war when two of my brothers came home from the Confederate service so ragged and mangy that they could not sleep in my house I gave them some clothes and some confederate money.

This I did as an act of humanity. These acts of kindness were either done simply as acts of humanity or under circumstances of danger when I was afraid to act otherwise.

There was such a state of oppression and terrorism over this country for the last two years of the war that union men hardly dared resist any oppression and seldom expressed their real sentiments except in private to such union friends as they could trust.

Bands of guerillas scoured the country in all directions, plundering and murdering union men. So that union men like myself who had families so that they could not get away had to do many things that we did not want to do.

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Jubei · 24.11.2019 um 13:34

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